Mao
Zedong became the symbol of China's communist revolution: leading the
famed Long March, proclaiming the new People's Republic of China (PRC),
meeting Richard Nixon to open a dialogue between the PRC and
America—and killing tens of millions of Chinese.
Writes French researcher Jean-Louis Margolin in The Black
Book of Communism: “Although the estimates are quite speculative, it
is clear that there were between 6 million and 10 million [non-battle]
deaths as a direct result of the Communist actions.” Perhaps 20 million
died in prison, and "to that total should be added the staggering
number of deaths during the ill-named Great Leap Forward—estimates
range from 20 million to 42 million dead" from famine between 1959 and
1961.
The man known as the "Red Emperor" routinely disposed of
rivals and successors, even inaugurating the so-called Cultural
Revolution in 1966 as a means to eliminate party rivals, most notably
Liu Shaoqi, whom Mao had chosen as state chairman, or head of state.
However, Mao obviously could not have done so much damage to
China without the aid of others. Liu was one. Another was Lin Biao,
Mao's next anointed successor, who died while attempting to flee the
country—also Deng Xiaoping, who achieved paramount power after Mao's
death when he led China back to the world.
Finally, there was Premier Zhou Enlai. Zhou was the PRC's face
to the world, who engineered the rapprochement between Beijing and
Washington. He was the competent pragmatist who attempted to bridge the
gap between cynical political maneuvering and practical policymaking in
the desperately poor nation.
And he was Mao's enabler, serving one of history's great moral monsters for decades.
Gao Wenqian, author of Zhou Enlai: The Last Perfect
Revolutionary, has produced an important book for anyone seeking to
understand China. Gao served as Zhou's official biographer before
migrating to the United States.
Zhou Enlai offers an inside look at one of the most
important Chinese revolutionaries. Zhou was a student activist who
quickly rose to a leading position in the party, for a time looming
over Mao.
Although Mao eventually achieved party primacy, Zhou's
influence remained significant. Most critically, Zhou became a loyal
lieutenant of Mao.
Explains Gao: "As a student of acting, he knew how to master
the role he was handed. For years, he had been performing the important
part of the indispensable servant to perfection."
Reading Zhou Enlai leaves one frustrated by yet
another example of the banality of evil. Nothing suggests that Zhou was
filled with blood lust, enjoyed killing supposed
counter-revolutionaries, plotted to imprison tens of millions of regime
opponents, or was indifferent to the mass suffering around him. Indeed,
he protected colleagues to the degree possible from the madness of the
Cultural Revolution.
Throughout everything, however, Zhou acted as Mao's chief
retainer, helping to turn his impoverished nation into a vast prison
camp. To have resisted obviously would have been dangerous, but the
influential Zhou could have allied with other critics of Mao.But to do
so would have been risky, and risk was something Zhou avoided at all
costs.
As disagreements increased between Mao and Liu Shaoqi, for
instance, Zhou ran in the other direction. Writes Gao: "Zhou was
unwilling to get directly involved in the conflict, but he tried his
best to regulate the tension as it boiled up between the Party and
state chairman."
Zhou managed to stay off of Mao's hit list during the ensuing
Cultural Revolution. But by refusing to oppose Mao, Zhou made the
Cultural Revolution possible. Mao returned the favor of Zhou's loyal
service by impeding Zhou's treatment for bladder cancer, leading to
Zhou's premature death in 1976. Only Mao's death later that year
allowed China to return to a degree of normalcy.
How to assess Zhou Enlai? He seemed personally decent, in
contrast to the vindictive, licentious and unpredictable Mao. Zhou also
sought prosperity and stability for China—a communist China, to be
sure, but nevertheless one in which people would no longer be starving.
A perception that Zhou cared about those ruled by Beijing
generated spontaneous popular mourning after his death. An ally of Deng
Xiaoping's as the Cultural Revolution came to a close, Zhou probably
would have approved of Deng's reform course.
But Zhou was complicit in the activities of a regime that
embodied the worst human vices. Zhou refused to oppose those who caused
so much horror. His support for Mao consigned tens of millions to death
and hundreds of millions to unimaginable hardship.
With his book Zhou Enlai, Gao has given us a look into Zhou
the person, as well as the communist revolution and Maoist state. In
admiring what China has become, people should never forget what it once
was.