Overshadowed by the news of
Israel’s trade of live Lebanese terrorists for dead Israeli soldiers was no
less important news about Israel’s arrests of six Al Qaeda-linked Israeli Arabs charged with
plotting to shoot down President Bush’s helicopter earlier this year.
Two of the suspects were from
towns—Nazareth and Taibe—within pre-1967 Israel; the other four were from East
Jerusalem. The former two, in other words, were full Israeli citizens with
voting rights and so on.
Although full Israeli citizenship
has also been available to East Jerusalem Arabs since Israel annexed East
Jerusalem after the 1967 war, all but a few of them reject it. Instead
they have a status as residents that entitles them to various state benefits.
The two citizens among the six were
students at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and one of them, Muhammad
Naghem of Nazareth, lived on a campus that gave him a view of a helicopter
landing pad where Bush’s helicopter landed and took off during his visit to
Israel in January.
Naghem is charged with
photographing the landing and takeoff on his cellphone and then sending
the photos to an Al Qaeda-linked website. The president also visited Israel
in April this year.
The six suspects would meet
regularly at the Dome of the Rock on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem.
Investigators for Israel’s General Security Service also found bomb-making
instructions on some of the suspects’ personal computers.
Far from an isolated incident, it
was part of a trend. Earlier this month two other Israeli Arabs—Bedouins living
in southern Israel—were indicted for passing
information to Al Qaeda on strategic sites such as army bases, skyscrapers,
and Ben-Gurion Airport near Tel Aviv.
And both of the two largest terror
attacks in Israel this year were perpetrated by East Jerusalem Arabs—the
shooting rampage at a Jerusalem yeshiva on March 6 that killed eight teenage
boys and young men and wounded eleven, and the bulldozer attack on a Jerusalem
street on July 2 that killed three people and wounded over fifty. In both those
cases the terrorist was killed in the course of the attack, but there is
suspicion of links to foreign jihadists.
Also on Tuesday this week a copycat
bulldozer terrorist—yet another East Jerusalem Arab—wounded
twenty-four in Jerusalem before being shot.
Implications:
1. In all these cases the
terrorists or would-be terrorists took advantage of Israel’s adherence to the
highest Western standards of individual freedom. East Jerusalem Arabs, even
though they reject citizenship, have Israeli ID cards that allow them free
movement in Israel, and both the yeshiva and bulldozer terrorists made full use
of this privilege. Israel also grants full religious freedom, and the six Al
Qaeda-linked plotters took advantage of this to hold their cell meetings on the
Temple Mount, where Israel not only accords Muslims freedom of worship but
allows the Muslim Wakf to administer the site and has only a limited security
presence.
As for the two university students,
under normal circumstances their ability as members of a religio-ethnic
minority to study in their country’s universities would be unremarkable.
Students at Hebrew University, though, said they weren’t surprised by the arrests because of the “atmosphere
of radicalism” on the campus. A poll
last year found that 33% of Israeli Arab high school and college graduates
are Holocaust deniers.
Under such circumstances, Israel
will have to decide at what point granting rights becomes suicidal. It would be
reasonable, at least, to revoke the East Jerusalem Arabs’ identity cards since
their free movement in the country spells a clear and present danger; they
would then have to apply for permits like West Bank Arabs and could be much
better monitored. Israel is not yet likely, though, to take even such minimal
measures because of external opinion and internal left-leaning opinion.
2. Israel’s intertwined
security challenges include: external state threats mainly from Iran and Syria,
external (or semi-external) nonstate threats mainly from Hezbollah in Lebanon
and Hamas in Gaza (but also Al Qaeda and others), semi-internal nonstate threats
from various terror groups on the West Bank, and steadily increasing internal
threats from the Israeli Arab population. Under such precarious conditions,
anyone sincerely and rationally concerned for Israel’s welfare would want to
see it retain a maximal security presence in the West Bank, especially since
West Bank Arabs and Israeli Arabs have often collaborated in terror attacks and
the latter are a natural conduit for the former.
Unsurprisingly, none of this
impresses, for example, British prime minister Gordon Brown who, in Israel this
week, made a big pitch for Israel to remove West Bank checkpoints
while promising additional aid to the terrorism-cultivating Palestinian
Authority.
3. Also this week outgoing Israeli
UN ambassador Danny Gillerman expressed
concern that a nuclear-armed Iran could supply Hamas or Hezbollah with
weapons of mass destruction. He’s, of course, right, but the threat goes beyond
either nuclear-armed Iran or Hamas and Hezbollah. A situation in which Israeli
Arab citizens are already linking up to Al Qaeda portends possible catastrophic
attacks up to and including WMDs. In such a reality, talk about “peace with the
Palestinians” is not only obsolete but diverts attention from the growing
problem of conflict with the Israeli Arabs.