The
subject of “honor killings” is gradually becoming a matter of public
controversy these days. The incidence of these crimes appears to be rising
although the response to them is ambiguous and vacillating. There is little
doubt that something alarming is happening—and has been happening for a long
while—and that what we are really witnessing is a form of culture-specific
violent behavior. But the general tendency among Muslim spokespeople and social
activists is to average out these tragic events as part of a garden variety
social phenomenon that is statistically inevitable.
When
16 year-old Aqsa Parvez of Mississauga, Ontario was strangled by her father for
refusing to wear the hijab, Shahina Siddiqui, president of the Islamic Social
Services Association, dissembled the murder as “the result of domestic
violence, a problem that cuts across Canadian society and is blind to colour
and creed” (National Post, December
12, 2007).
On
the following day, a spokesman for the Canadian Council on American-Islamic
Relations was quoted in the same newspaper, informing us that “Teen rebellion
is something that exists in all households in Canada and is not unique to any
culture or background.”
For
Sheikh Yusuf Badat, Imam of the Islamic Foundation of Toronto, “It wasn’t about
Islam” but merely a question “of parenting and anger management”; and Mohammed
Elmasry, president of the Canadian Islamic Congress, whitewashed the killing as
a “teenage issue.” Mohhamad Al-Navdi of the Canadian Council of Imams, while
regretting the slaying of the young girl, responded by stressing “the duty [of
parents] to convince their kids that this [the hijab] is part of their
culture.”
The
real crime, apparently, was not the actual killing, but the “failure” of the
parents to inculcate the proper religious ordinances and to control the
adolescent tendency to domestic revolt. Sheikh Alaa Elsayed of the Islamic
Society of North America Canada agreed: parents should teach their daughters
“to do the right thing” (National Post,
December 14, 2007).
What
these authorities do not tell us is that, in the Muslim tradition, a man’s honor
is constituted by his possession of the three Z’s: zar (gold), zamin (land)
and zan (women). It is when his
possession of the latter is perceived as compromised that he will often resort
to the extreme act, which is regarded as the legitimate disposal of his
property. Teen rebellion is not the issue here; honor killings are.
Canada
has been largely spared such atrocities relative to many other countries. The
toll in Germany, for example, officially stands at 48—though even as I write, a
49th honor killing has been reported in which 16-year-old Morsal
Obeidi was stabbed to death by her brother on May 15, 2008. 280 “honour crimes”
have been recorded in Denmark, although, according to a state prosecutor, the
number is certainly far greater (Politken,
October 11, 2008).
In
whatever country they occur, such honor killings, as is common knowledge, are
found far more frequently among one particular religious and ethnic group than
any other, and it is pure cozenage to affect otherwise. Honor killings may also
be cross-gendered, a fact generally ignored by the media. Germany has recorded
several cases of non-Muslim men murdered for being in relationships with Muslim
women.
The
reverse is also true. In October 2007, a young Polish girl, Lidia Motylska, was
murdered in Leeds, England, by an Iraqi immigrant, Abobakir Jabaril, who
objected to her dating his Kurdish flat mate and restored the honor of his
faith by strangling, stabbing and slitting her throat “from ear to ear” (Yorkshire Post, November 13, 2008).
Naturally, the male, Muslim half of the relationship, Ajeem Jabarridia, was
never in any danger.
But
what has come to be known as “honorcide” is only the tip of the iceberg, the
most visible manifestation of the Islamic ethos. The Association of Chief
Police Officers (ACPO) in Britain has calculated that as many as 17,000 women
of the Islamic persuasion are subjected to “forced marriages, kidnappings,
sexual assaults, beatings and even murder by relatives intent on upholding the
‘honour’ of their family”—35 times higher than the official figures (littlegreenfootballs.com, February 11,
2008). Children as young as 11 are regularly repatriated to their “home
countries” to enroll in madrassas where they are indoctrinated in the
fundamental tenets of their faith or contracted to be married. Young women who
object or who eventually leave such loveless marriages are often in danger for
their lives. But Muslim spokespeople have consistently tried to shift the blame
away from their own culpable community onto society at large.
Such
chicanery is on conspicuous display in a letter written by McGill University Engineering
Professor Ehab Lotayef to the Montreal
Gazette (January 4, 2008), which exposes better than any etiological
analysis ever could the pathology at work in the practice of self-delusion.
While “cringing” before the specter of Muslim violence, Lotayef assigns the blame
for such unfortunate episodes to “the failure of a community and the society at
large to provide healthy ways for individuals, especially those belonging to
minorities, to express their frustration in a healthy and productive manner.”
We need to understand that the teenager who firebombed a Jewish school in
Montreal “might have felt frustration toward the indifference of society to the
death and suffering of Palestinians at the hands of the Israeli army…”
Oddly,
no Muslim school has been firebombed by Jewish teenagers who might have felt
frustration toward the indifference of society to the death and suffering of
Israeli civilians at the hands of Palestinian terrorists. Lotayef’s reasoning
is so flawed as almost to defy commentary. As for the murder of Aqsa Parvez,
well, “we have to look deeper, at parenting skills and experience in dealing
with conflict.” It is “society at large” which is responsible, for it
“encourages Aqsa and her peers to disobey their parents…” Killing your
daughter, then, may be readily accounted for and perhaps even to be expected: a
combination of poor parenting skills and social indifference explains
everything.
Lotayef’s
conclusion? Cultural problems “can be fewer and less serious if we learn to
listen and to accept one another,” though how this will prevent another Aqsa
from being strangled by her father or another Hatin Surucu from being shot by
her brothers remains unclear. (Those who have not heard of the Hatin Surucu
affair, which sparked outrage in Germany and led to a long-overdue
re-evaluation of immigration policies and multicultural platitudes, have their
newspapers to thank.) And so a cultural atrocity is painted over with a thick
coat of self-exonerating clichés.
Islamic
apologists will insist that honor crimes have nothing to do with the Faith
itself and are not even mentioned in the Koran. Indeed, they will contend, as
did Farah Khan, an organizer of a feminist/race-relations conference in Toronto
on November 11, 2008, that calling such murders honor killings “is both racism
and Islamophobia” (National Post,
November 15, 2008). The argument is clearly disingenuous since such killings
are demonstrably embedded in Islamic culture and occur far too regularly among
believing Muslims to be pretended away as instances of widespread domestic
violence common to every social stratum. There is nothing that resembles open
season on daughters in society at large.
But,
to be fair, it is not only Islamic apologists who have learned how to take
evasive action; apologists for Islam have proven equally adept. In the tragedy
of Aqsa Parvez, the secular Left and purveyors of the multicultural mantra have
adopted an alternative route to avoid having to face up to unpleasant truths:
silence. Even the FBI has cowered before the dictates of political correctness
and spinelessly proscribed the phrase “honor killings” from its lexicon,
preferring instead to regard Islamic filiacide from a broad, criminal
perspective. Scarcely a word of reproof or even acknowledgement has been
uttered by the otherwise megaphonic feminist sorority, paragons of sistered
living, or printed in leading left wing blogs and publications such as CounterPunch, Daily Kos and The Nation,
among a host of others.
The
established press, too, may be complicit by suspending adequate coverage of
such events. How many people have heard of Dallas, Texas resident Yaser Abdel
Said who, some three weeks after the death of Aqsa Parvez, murdered his two
teenage daughters, Sarah and Amina, because they dated unapproved boys? How many
people know that Mrs. Said is in danger for her life for not having prevented
her daughters from dating infidels or that the young American boys who tried to
intervene remain in hiding? Why have we heard so little about the honor killing
that took place in Jonesboro, Georgia on July 6, 2008, Pakistani immigrant
Chaudhry Rashid strangling his daughter for planning to leave an arranged
marriage? According to Ajay Nair, Associate Dean of Multicultural Affairs at
Columbia University, such killings are an “anomaly,” a “problem” of “domestic
violence” that “cuts across all communities” (AOL News, July 7, 2008).
Such
events, apparently, have nothing to do with Islamic culture and do not merit
undue media attention. Once again, we are meant to suppose, an unaccommodating
society and poor parenting skills are wholly responsible for such misfortunes.
One chapter of Phyllis Chesler’s The
Death of Feminism would correct this misimpression. Chesler compiles a
lengthy list of such grisly honor killings, not only in the Muslim Middle East
and in the European Muslim immigrant communities, but here in the towns and
cities of the United States and Canada. She gives page after morbid page of
such traumatic instances, many of which have not been reported in the press, sensibly
concluding “that shame-based honor murders are not the same as western domestic
violence and that Islamic gender apartheid is not the same as western gender
inequality.”
In
an article for FrontPageMagazine
(November 12, 2008), Chesler points out that “Western-style batterers”
generally act alone and rarely kill their daughters; honor killings, to the
contrary, target daughters and are often family collaborative acts. Tarek
Fatah, former head of the Muslim Canadian Coalition and the recipient of Islamic
death threats for his libertarian views, agrees: “Domestic abuse is usually a
dispute among partners. Child abuse is different [and] bears little relation to
the common arc of a domestic dispute” (National
Post, November 15, 2008).
Let
us make no mistake about this. Pluralism and formulaic tolerance
notwithstanding, to deny what is so vividly obvious is to lie outright.